ech prep has been an important part of the national scene since 1990
when federal legislation was passed to create an educational transition
program, based on the work of Dale Parnell,that offers students an
educational pathway from high school to college,leading to meaningful
technical and professional careers. This model is based on the development
of curricula that spans at least the last two years of high school
and the first two years of college, resulting in an associate's degree
or other credential. Important to these initiatives are elements such
as advanced academics and career-technical courses, contextual and
applied curriculum, work-based learning, secondary/postsecondary articulation,
and career and educational planning.
Beginning in January 1998, I led a team of researchers at the University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (UIUC) and University of California,
Berkeley in conducting a study examining the experiences and outcomes
of over 4,700 students in eight local tech prep consortia in the
U.S. The study provided a quantitative and qualitative analysis
comparing student educational experiences as participants in tech
prep programs, as well as their educational and employment outcomes
after high school graduation. Findings are presented for students
identified locally as enrollees in tech prep programs, who we refer
to as tech prep-participants, as compared to a group of students
drawn from the general student population with similar academic
performance at high school graduation, referred to as non-participants.
The study was funded by the U.S. Department of Education to address
fundamental questions about students' involvement in tech prep programs
and their educational and employment outcomes after high school.
Considering the enduring federal commitment to tech prep implementation
beginning with the Tech Prep Education Act of 1990 (Perkins II),
it was vitally important to understand the ways these programs influencing
student outcomes.
Few studies have examined how tech prep programs have affected
students' further education and work after high school graduation.
Recognizing that a key feature of tech prep programs is the articulation
of secondary and postsecondary curriculum and preparation for future
technical and professional careers, a longitudinal study was needed
to follow students over an extended period of time.
Major Results and Implications for Policy and
Practice
Highlighted in this article are major results and implications
for policy and practice, first discussing student characteristics;
moving to secondary education; then transition from high school
to college and college enrollment, persistence, and completion;
and finally employment post-high school.
Tech Prep Participants Similar to General Student
Population
First, students who participate in tech prep programs do not differ
substantially on race/ethnicity, income, and parental education
from the comparison group of students who represent the general
student population that achieved similarly to the tech prep group
at high school graduation. However, gender emerged as a variable
on which tech prep participants differed from their peers in four
consortia, favoring participation by males in all cases. This result
was attributable largely to a preponderance of traditionally male-oriented
career-technical education (CTE) specializations linked to tech
prep. The CTE programs that enrolled males in larger numbers than
females are not surprising, and included computer technologies,
electronics, manufacturing, engineering, and trade and industrial
occupations. Recognizing that federal law requires tech prep programs
to provide equal access to all students, including non-traditional
enrollments and members of special populations, it is important
that local personnel emphasize equitable demographic representation.
Academic Course-Taking Similar to or Exceeding
Comparable Students
Secondary curricula and types of tech prep participation varied
widely from consortium to consortium, making it difficult to formulate
definitive conclusions about particular models or approaches. Acknowledging
this, our results support the notion that school and consortium
course requirements influence student participation in core academic
courses. Consortia that deliberately associate tech prep with college
prep requirements in subjects such as math and science have students
who engage in math- and science-course taking more intensively and
extensively than tech prep consortia that do not. In consortia where
the linkages between tech prep requirements and advanced academic
requirements do not occur, tech prep students are less likely to
progress into more advanced academic curricula. In a related and
important finding, a few consortia show that tech prep participants
need not be disadvantaged in fulfilling a college prep program of
study if participating in both intensive CTE and academic course-taking.
Looking at academic course taking (amount and level) in greater
depth, we found the level of math course taking was slightly higher
for tech prep-participants than their non-participant peers in four
consortia. Students in these consortia also showed group differences
in the number of high school math courses taken, with tech prep
participants at one site taking significantly more semesters than
non-participants.
Group differences were evident in the number of science courses
taken in seven of the eight consortia studied, usually favoring
the non-participant group. In fact, non-participants exceeded tech
prep-participants in the total semesters of science taken in five
consortia, except in two sites (one consortium and one high school
within a consortium). Most students in both study groups were taking
mostly regular science (e.g., biology, chemistry). In a few consortia,
tech prep-participants were taking more lower-level science courses
than non-participants, but in most consortia the differences between
groups was related to differences in the proportion of students
taking regular and honors science (such as biology, chemistry and
physics courses), all well beyond a basic level.
Career-Technical Education (CTE) Course-Taking
Exceeds Comparable Students
CTE course-taking was enhanced by the tech prep model in most sites
if judged by the level of secondary enrollment in CTE courses, including
articulated CTE courses. Several forms of work-based learning such
as co-op and job shadowing were prominent among tech prep participants,
suggesting that students who engaged in tech prep were more likely
to be involved in intensive learning experiences related to careers,
both in the classroom and off campus. Work during high school was
prevalent for both groups, suggesting students begin juggling school,
work, and personal commitments early in their educational lives.
Also, an association was found between tech prep participants and
service learning/community service, always favoring non-participants.
Articulated course-taking was substantial for tech prep-participants
in five sites, ranging from 65% to 91% for tech prep-participants
and 31% to 76% for non-participants. This course-taking occurred
most often in CTE areas such as business, mechanics/repair, and
precision production in five consortia. Among all students who took
articulated courses, tech prep-participants took significantly more
semesters, on average, than non-participants.
College Enrollment High Among Participants
and Non-Participants
Recognizing that many students selected for this study are labeled
non-college bound during their high school years, the proportion
of students in each group that went on to college at the two-year
and four-year college levels is astounding. Indeed, the percentage
of students attending college at the two-year level was quite high,
with over 80% of the tech prep-participants in six consortia and
close to that percentage or higher among the non-participant group
in five consortia. Enrollment of tech prep-participants exceeded
non-participants in seven consortia but the difference between groups
was usually small, with a significant difference evident in two
sites.
Tech prep-participants showed a slight preference for attending
two-year colleges over their non-participant peers but, again, this
is not surprising given the focus of articulated course taking that
emphasizes sequenced course work extending from high school to community
colleges. What seems more interesting is the frequency with which
tech prep-participants attended both two-year and four-year colleges
and four-year only. Attendance at four-year colleges was particularly
evident among tech prep-participants living in localities where
higher education options are plentiful, suggesting consortia located
in urban or suburban areas with a dense higher education market
may benefit from building relationships with a wide range of higher
education institutions.
Though the accumulated hours of college credit did not differ for
the two groups in most consortia, a difference was revealed in two
consortia where tech prep-participants earned more college-level
hours than non-participants, and these results held after controlling
for differences in the date of high school graduation (1995, 1996,
1997, or 1998.)
College enrollment among tech prep-participants involved fairly
substantial continuation of CTE course-taking, suggesting that if
students finish a tech program in high school and enroll at the
lead college within a few years, they are likely to continue enrollment
in a tech prep program at the postsecondary level. Of tech prep-participants
who transitioned to the lead college, typically over one-half continued
to pursue a tech prep program of study, with participants in one
consortium continuing at an astonishing rate of 95%.
College Readiness and Completion Problematic
for All Students
Looking at college readiness among tech prep participants and non-participants,
from 40% to nearly 80% of tech prep-participants placed into college-level
course work overall, with the rest needing to take remedial courses.
Non-participants had an even wider range of college-level placement-
30% to 76%. This finding is based on local institutional standards
for college placement into career programs, which we referred to
as the career standard. Using the transfer standard set by each
institution, the vast majority of students (tech prep and non-tech
prep) were not "college ready." One consortium was the
exception where slightly over half of both student groups were college
ready. When students failed a placement test it was usually because
they had difficulties with math, and this result was evident for
both groups of students (tech prep and non-tech prep).
Overall, completion rates of remedial/developmental and college-level
hours were similar, with averages that ranged from about two-thirds
to four-fifths from site to site. Differences between participants
and non-participants in completion rates were few, with no consistent
tendency as to direction.
To date, completion of a college degree (AA, AS, or AAS) or certificate
has not been a common occurrence for students in any consortium,
regardless of tech prep status. The median percentage of students
earning some credential was only 10.5%, three or four years after
high school graduation. Indeed, most consortia reported a modest
range of completers at 8.5% to 11.7%.
Employment Among All Students is High, Especially
Tech Prep Participants
Students who work after high school typically take full-time jobs
in relatively unskilled, low-wage jobs. There was evidence, however,
that tech prep-participants in some of the consortia were advancing
beyond this level of employment, suggesting potential advantages
for tech prep-participants in the labor market. A combination of
factors may contribute to this phenomenon, including the relevance
of tech prep training to semi-skilled or technical employment that
is above minimum wage. In addition, more tech prep-participants
than non-participants spend time with one employer, moving up from
unskilled jobs obtained during high school to semi-skilled jobs
after high school graduation. Admittedly speculative, these and
other factors may contribute to positive economic outcomes for the
tech prep-participants as compared to non-participants.
Debra Bragg is a Professor of Higher Education and Community College
Leadership at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Her
research interests include community college policy and leadership
and high school-to-college transition. Debra can be reached at occrl@uiuc.edu.
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